Michael W Chamberlin

January 8^th, 2023

Last November, President López Obrador sent a request to the Mexican Senate for approval for eleven soldiers from the 7th Special Forces Group of the United States to enter Mexico. The request originated from the Secretariat of National Defense (SEDENA), which, in coordination with the United States Northern Command, carried out the ‘Annual Activities Plan 2024’. According to the official letter, the Plan plans to carry out various events in 2024, among them, the one called ‘Strengthening the Capacities of the Special Forces of the Secretariat of National Defense.‘»

What is not explained is what the training will consist of and what the trainers’ credentials are. It should be transparent information, with little justification. Still, there are important questions to ask, considering the increasingly extensive participation of the armed forces in public security activities, the origin of the distinguished guests invited to provide the training, and those who will receive it.

The information shared by the United States Department of Defense indicates that the «Building Partner Capacity programs… have the purpose of building the capacity of partner nation security forces and enhancing their capability to conduct counterterrorism, counter drug, and counterinsurgency operations, or to support U.S. military and stability operations, multilateral peace operations, and other programs.» The Special Forces, also known as the Green Berets, are generally experts in irregular warfare, but the 7th Special Forces Group (7SFG) has a peculiar history.

Counterinsurgency

A Salvadoran Army unit trained by US Special Forces massacred the population of El Mozote in 1981. They gathered the farmers in the center of the town, promising to deliver food. The result was at least 986 people dead (552 children and 434 adults, including 12 pregnant women) in a bloodbath that lasted from December 10 to 12.

Throughout the 1980s, the 7SFG played a critical advisory role for the Salvadoran armed forces, which grew from 12,000 to 55,000 men, becoming a highly trained counterinsurgency group under the tutelage of the Special Forces.

From the perspective of «irregular warfare», counterinsurgency, anti-narcotics, and now counterterrorism operations have the objective of removing or fragmenting the support given by the local population, in the area where subversive groups usually take shelter, turning the civilian population into a war target. El Mozote allegedly supported the Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front (FMLN), and that was the pretext to massacre them.

The 7SFG also played an important role in preparing the Honduran army to resist and defeat an invasion of Nicaragua. It also trained the Honduran army in counterinsurgency tactics, allowing Honduras to defeat its guerrillas. It played a leading role in the overthrow of Noriega in Panama, allowing the United States to regain control of the Interoceanic Canal.

In Guatemala, the Kaibiles, Special Forces trained at the School of the Americas (SOA), were responsible for massacres such as «Dos Erres», for forced displacement campaigns in what the Guatemalan army called the «strategy of scorched earth», carrying out widespread violations and acts of genocide against the indigenous population. Currently, the Kaibiles oversee «narcoterrorist» operations with the support of the 7SFG.

The 7SFG was based at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, until 2011, when it was relocated to Eglin Air Force Base, Florida. Fort Bragg has been the headquarters of forces specialized in irregular warfare and psychological operations at least since the end of World War II, and together with the SOA, it constituted the two main military training centers in irregular warfare and counterinsurgency of the United States.

During the 1970s, the number of military personnel from Latin American dictatorships sent to the School of the Americas increased considerably. Between 1970 and 1979, cadets from Chile, Colombia, Bolivia, Panama, Peru, and Honduras made up 63% of the school’s students. During the 1980s, Mexico, El Salvador, and Colombia made up 72% of SOA cadets. In 1993, Lesley Gill, in her book «School of the Americas: Military Training and Political Violence in the Americas,» published a list of 60,000 graduates confirming that «dictators, death squad agents, and assassins» had been educated there.

The counterinsurgency manuals that the SOA used to instruct its students were produced under the Foreign Intelligence Assistance Program in 1965-66, which drew on knowledge from the so-called Phoenix Program of the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA). According to Major Joseph Blair, a former instructor at the school, «the author of the SOA and CIA torture manuals […] relied on intelligence materials used during the Vietnam War that advocated murder, torture, extortion, and other ‘techniques'» (McSherry, 2009: 91)

In September 1996, the Pentagon made training manuals used by the School of the Americas available to the public. It confirmed that the tactics conveyed in the manuals «violated American policy and principles.» However, the objective of irregular warfare and its tactics extended to counternarcotics and counterterrorism operations.

Anti-narcotics

The 7SFG also participated in the Andean region of Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, and Bolivia. Under so-called anti-narcotics operations, the military units of these countries, trained by US special forces, have been accused of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. An example is the 20th Military Intelligence Brigade of Colombia, commanded by General Iván Ramírez. Declassified cables from the United States embassy link Ramírez to enforced disappearance cases between 1985 and the late 1990s. Among the documents are reports that the missing people were «tortured and murdered» by members of the Brigade. According to the same declassified files, the General «actively» collaborated with the paramilitary death squads responsible for dozens of massacres. We will see below the anti-narcotics experience in Mexico.

Counterterrorism

From the beginning of 2002 until its end in 2014, the 7SFG has been deployed to Afghanistan in support of the so-called Operation Enduring Freedom that emerged in response to the terrorist attack on the Twin Towers in New York in September 2001, in addition to supporting Operation Iraqi Freedom on numerous occasions to overthrow Saddam Hussein.

The influence of these techniques has been identified in American involvement in later conflicts. For example, Human Rights Watch (HRW) in its report «Legacy of the Dark Side» (2022) points out that on September 17, 2001, a few days after the attack on the towers, President Bush issued a secret memorandum that empowered CIA to covertly capture and detain individuals «who posed a serious and continuing threat of violence or death to American persons and interests or who were planning terrorist activities.» A day later, Bush signed the 2001 Authorization for the Use of Military Force (AUMF), which had been newly approved by Congress.

The report continues: «With the involvement of at least 54 governments, the CIA secretly and extrajudicially transferred at least 119 foreign Muslims from one foreign country to another for incommunicado detention and harsh interrogation at several clandestine CIA sites. (…). The US military also held thousands of foreign Muslim prisoners of war and security detainees – including some women and children – in its detention centers abroad, including Abu Ghraib in Iraq, Bagram Air Base in Afghanistan, and its naval base at Guantánamo, and subjected many to physical and psychological abuse.«

The Guardian has reported that, according to a former British special forces officer, the acts committed by US Army soldiers who tortured and abused prisoners at Abu Ghraib resembled techniques used in Resistance to Interrogation (RTI or R2I) training. RTI is a type of military training for British and other NATO soldiers to prepare them, after being captured by the enemy, to resist interrogation techniques such as humiliation and torture.

The informant told the English newspaper that «students are subjected to practices such as hooding, sleep deprivation, temporary disorientation, prolonged nudity, sexual humiliation and deprivation of heat, water, and food,» adding: «The standard RTI for most special military branches of the American and European governments covers torture condemned by the United Nations and interrogation techniques both considered legitimate…»

The little information about the content of the training comes from informants, often anonymous. The lack of information is incompatible with a democratic regime, especially when it comes to military operations that violate the human rights of the troops or the civilian population.

Irregular warfare in Mexico.

The Mexican State has a long history of counterinsurgency. Darrin Wood documented that General Mario Arturo Acosta Chaparro and General Mario Delfín Palmerín, among the most involved in the so-called Dirty War of the 70s and 80s, took anti-guerrilla and anti-subversion courses at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, with the 7SFG.

The impact of the «Dirty War» or, rather, the Counterinsurgency Warfare applied in Mexico, is enormous. According to the Attorney General’s Office, it left a trail of 480 missing people in 17 entities of the Republic. According to organizations of relatives of the disappeared, such as AFADEM, the number of people who disappeared during the Dirty War is 1,200.

Darrin Wood (Op cit) also points out that «another notable graduate of the Special Warfare School is General Mario Renán Castillo Fernández, commander of the 7th Military Region in Chiapas between November 1994 and November 1997. He is considered by many ‘the godfather’ of the paramilitary groups of Chiapas«. He adds: «It should not be surprising that there is a manual for the United States Special Forces, published at Fort Bragg, Field Manual 31-20-3: foreign internal defense, tactics, techniques and procedures for special forces, published on September 20, 1994. The manual contains a 19-page annex on how to train paramilitaries, or ‘civil self-defense forces’, in counterinsurgency actions.»

Today we know that, in Chiapas, between 1995 and at least until 2001, the counterinsurgency strategy described in the «Chiapas ’94 Campaign Plan» was applied to counter the Zapatista Army of National Liberation (EZLN). This strategy was based on the central counterinsurgency idea of «taking the water out of the fish», that is, attacking the civilian population to decimate its support for the insurgent group, privileging the action of «secretly trained» or paramilitary groups through forced displacement. of the population, executions, disappearances, and massacres such as the one that occurred in the village of Acteal on December 22, 1997. The Airborne Group of Special Forces (Grupo Aeromóvil de Fuerzas Especiales or GAFE), previously trained in anti-narcotics operations by US special forces, was deployed to the theater of operations in Chiapas starting in 1995, at the orders of then-president Ernesto Zedillo.

The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists (ICIJ) points out that, according to Colonel Frank Pedrozo, chief of military liaison at the United States Embassy in Mexico, between November 1996 and September 1998, the US Army trained 416 GAFE soldiers, most trained at Fort Bragg by the US 7th Special Forces Group; others were trained at the SOA at Fort Benning, Georgia. The first Undersecretary of National Defense in the current administration, General André Georges Foullon Van Lissum, now at the head of the National Customs Agency, was the Commander of the 1st Airmobile Group of Special Forces (GAFE) of the III Military Region in Sinaloa, which reviewed entry as a Rapid Intervention Force in Copalar, Chiapas, on April 1, 1997, joining the «Rainbow Task Force (Fuerza de Tarea Arcoiris)» that carried out the aforementioned «Chiapas ’94 Campaign Plan.»

On the other hand, we know from various journalistic investigations how some GAFE members joined the ranks of the Mexican cartels. The Zetas criminal group was founded by former GAFE members trained in irregular warfare by the 7th Special Forces Group, as a former US Special Forces commander pointed out to Al Jazeera. Arturo Guzmán Decena, known as Z-1; Heriberto Lazcano, known as Z-3; and Miguel Trevino, known as Z-40, were recruited around 1999 by Osiel Cárdenas, head of the Gulf Cartel, to create an armed embrace that later became independent. The Zetas were known for their cruel and bloodthirsty behavior, they were dedicated not only to drug trafficking, but also to extortion, kidnapping, disappearance, homicide, human trafficking, fuel theft, bank robbery, securities trucks, money laundering, and even cybercrime.

The violent way of the Zetas inaugurated a criminal model that has been reproduced in other cartels and throughout the country to date. The group today known as the Cartel Jalisco Nueva Generación (CJNG) was born as an armed wing of the Sinaloa cartel called «Los Mata-Zetas» (Zeta-killers). Now, as an independent cartel, it exercises the same type of violence to the point that it suggests that, among its ranks, it has former special forces soldiers training and participating in atrocious crimes. The similarities between the massacres of Cadereyta (2012) and San Fernando (2010) in northern Mexico by the Zetas, those of El Mozote in El Salvador (1981), Dos Erres in Guatemala (1982), and Acteal in Chiapas (1997), to mention just a few, and their links to the Green Berets of the 7th Special Forces Group, are remarkable.

The Secretariats of National Defense (SEDENA) and the Navy (SEMAR), through the Federal Law of Transparency and Access to Government Public Information (request 0000700011913), indicated that 55,129 military personnel deserted between 2006-2012, during the six-year term of President Felipe Calderón (49,471 of the Mexican Army, 4,671 of the Mexican Navy and 987 of the Mexican Air Force). This figure is half that registered during the six-year term of Vicente Fox Quesada (2001-2006), when the number of desertions reached 107,158, according to the information contained in the Accountability Report of the Federal Public Administration 2006-2012. Stage 1, published by SEDENA. There is no verifiable information on how many of these desertions are Special Forces or how many more ended up in the ranks of the cartels. A clarification commission must investigate, following the logic of irregular war, whether they join organized crime as mercenaries or as paramilitaries.

Moreover, there are declassified reports from the DEA and the Defense Intelligence Agency (DIA), that indicate that the Zetas also recruited Kaibiles, and testimonies, such as the one collected by Telemundo from a former member of the CJNG, stating that Special Forces from the United States directly participate in their ranks: «The high command (of the CJNG) had bought sailors from an elite group. «There are navies (sic) of the United States, there are Delta forces, there is everything there.» Telemundo points out that «(t)he US Department of Defense responded in an email that ‘it is unaware of the activities of the military who are no longer active.’ Without supervision, control, or investigation, special forces trained in irregular warfare operations paradoxically and tragically become part of the drug cartels.

According to the Center for International Policy’s Security Assistance Monitor, the Mexican military has received training every year since 1996. Until 2022, the total amount of this training was just under 73 million dollars, with the public unaware of the specific content of these trainings. We also do not know, in these almost 28 years of military training, if this is the first time that the 7th Special Forces Group has come to Mexico. Probably not.

Why are the Green Berets coming to Mexico?

Irregular warfare operations have brought a trail of violence, suffering, and death in Mexico since the second half of the last century. The use of the military in anti-drug operations has not only failed to put an end to criminal gangs, it has left a balance, particularly in the last three administrations, of almost half a million murders and more than 300 thousand missing people according to official figures, institutions devastated and a strengthened criminal presence controlling at least, according to General Glen VanHerk, head of the United States Northern Command, between 30 and 35% of Mexican territory.

Military force is unnecessary when the rule of law is strict and an effective system of checks and balances exists. The Center for American Progress has presented a proposal to reform the Third Country Security Assistance Programs so that they are administered by the State Department rather than the Department of Defense, in other words, in civilian hands. and not the military.

If the reform is not carried out, its promoters point out: «U.S. foreign policy will be militarized, it will perpetuate the status quo that ignores changes in the behavior of partner governments, damages democratic progress and allows the violation of human rights, inhibits effective supervision of Congress, and contributes to an inefficient and wasteful bureaucracy.» For Mexico, we can add from experience that the lack of civil control, transparency, and accountability promotes corruption and impunity and undermines the rule of law.

Congress and the United States Government need to review these foreign aid programs holistically. They know that the growth of criminal activity in Mexico contributes to a wider drug market on the streets and a high risk of corruption in the United States. Before providing further military assistance to Mexico, it is essential to ensure that strong civil anti-corruption controls and effective justice institutions exist; otherwise, all military assistance will be used by organized crime, increasingly fueling violence.

The Mexican State, on its own behalf, must take the civil route, strengthening the democratic recourses of checks and balances. This implies recovering civil institutions, first of all, police forces, and the effective rule of law. In addition, it must generate credible processes for clarifying and sanctioning serious human rights violations from 1990 to date, which will enable the necessary reforms for effective civilian control over the armed forces.

On December 13, the Mexican Congress, with a divided vote, authorized the entry of 11 armed elements of the 7th Special Forces Group to train the Mexican Army’s special forces between January 22 and March 22, 2024. However, the Mexican Congress must be aware of the specific content of the training to ensure that it is not aimed at violating the human rights of civilians and troops, and create civilian oversight mechanisms during the training. Furthermore, review all armed forces training content, their operational manuals, and anti-drug campaigns to verify their compatibility with human rights.

It is time for the governments of Mexico and the United States to jointly imagine new ways to reduce violence and poverty in the region that do not involve weapons or military solutions. The failure of these policies is demonstrated.

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